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The end of the Second World War meant a change of epoch for the world, evidently explained by the influence of global hegemony between the Western democratic bloc rooted in the United States of America and the conglomerate that gave rise to the formation of the Union of Republics. The Soviet socialists, as the old report called the “Cold War,” explained everything about the armies of the regional wars that fled from the satellites in this wonderful conflict, as in the case of the Korean and Vietnam Wars, in addition to the competencies. military technology box, characterized by the acquisition of nuclear weapons capable of ending human life, which is a political call for deterrence, and in everything related to the progression of the space race, which began naturally for the U. S. S. R. with the first out-of-door look at the atmosphere and man’s return to the Moon through part of the EE. U. S.
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In this context, Argentina experienced the progression of the global clash between the Allies and the Axis, a transformative scenario that led it in 1939 to an allied political leader, but who also had to wage war with Germany and Italy in 1943, to end up looking for the concessionaires, all the abrupt adjustments that aggravate the appreciation of the country that took a position until the fines of the 1930s. 30. The economic consequences of these vicissitudes were variable, but mostly sensible. This meant the loss of cash, also known as advertising economic progress. It experienced the “Marshall Plan”, as announced by its announcer, General of State George Marshall, Secretary of State between 1947 and 1949, until the presidency of Harry Truman, which benefited, among others, Brazil, a direct competitor of the Argentine regional leader.
The restrictions on foreign industry produced by the fall of the Argentine Amistad line, resulting from the direct consequences of the World War, hit the national government successors, but above all the first presidency of Juan Perón initiated in 1946 a policy of expansion of the Argentine government was demanded through the environment of an out-of-control financial issue, as well as through direct State intervention in foreign industry with the creation of the Argentine Institute for Monetary Promotion. Exchange, imagined through the president of the Central Bank of the Argentine Republic, the tinsmith businessman Miguel Miranda, who monopolizes advertising by going out to the world, and establishes two types of exchanges: a minimum for exporters and a maximum for importers, making the difference as a basis for intervention in the markets.
As before, the financial problems produced by the Keynesian policies of Federico Pinedo and his successors since 1935 were not consistent with the discussions about inflation, which remained at a point of 2% per year or less until 1944, to explode only 19. 9% the following year, in the last year of the de facto government known as the Revolution of ’43. The weighted advance between 1946 and 1951 was 22%, leveraged on an oversized increase in income consistent with above the productivity of the economy; the relief of financing for the agri-food sector, which has gradually begun to reduce its production; the status of personal application enterprises, such as railroads, telephones, and electricity; The creation of the state monopoly of radio and television services: at a time when the factory had evolved particularly with the creation of ministries, secretariats and national directorates, as a result of the implementation of the constitutional reform of 1949.
El primer ministro de Hacienda de Perón fue Ramón Cereijo, cuya fama fue mayor por su participación en la construcción del estadio del Racing Club de Avellaneda que por su desempeño en la función pública. Visto el agotamiento del modelo económico llevado a cabo durante tres años, que definió genialmente el historiador Félix Luna como “Argentina era una fiesta”, en 1949 fue nombrado presidente del Banco Central, que fue estatizado en su totalidad y se le quitó su independencia, el prestigioso economista Alfredo Gómez Morales, que trató de controlar la crisis de la balanza de pagos a través de una restricción de la emisión monetaria, lo que chocaba con los objetivos políticos del general Perón, lanzado a su primera reelección inmediata en 1951. Para entonces ya estaba en vigencia una ley contra el agio y la especulación, que por el fracaso en el control de los precios fue cada vez más represiva, llegando a la clausura de cientos de negocios de cercanía y la prisión de sus dueños.
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Inflation in 1951 reached 45. 62 percent, however the magnitude of Perón’s trio in the November elections of that year allowed his new administration to achieve an orthodox adjustment of the economy. To this end, Gómez Morales was appointed to the Ministry of Economy on June 4. 1952, and proposed an Economic Emergency Plan, supposedly approved through Perón. While Gómez Morales must dissolve the IAPI, he has not yet verified his involvement in foreign trade. Re-establishing freedom of exports, aiming at Argentina’s access to new foreign organizations. as the International Monetary Fund, ordered the relief of public waste, which provoked the violence of public entrepreneurs, among them, the railways, the guild and the number of personnel increased up to 50% in 3 years and was militarized by the government to keep the service running.
Lo que constituía un ajuste clásico de la economía, fue presentado por el presidente Perón como un plan de austeridad para mejorar la productividad de la economía. El lema bajo el cual se impusieron estas medidas fue: “Aumentar la producción, ser prolijos en el consumo, incrementar el ahorro popular”. No deja de ser curioso que se haya puesto en marcha una Comisión Nacional de Precios y Salarios, cuya primera medida fue congelar los salarios durante dos años, a pesar de que el índice de inflación de 1952 fue del 39%, aunque bajó bruscamente a cerca del 4% en 1953 y 1954, para volver a subir en 1955 al 12,3%. Fue esencial para sostener este plan de ajuste el acompañamiento del sindicalismo peronista, que logró el apoyo de las bases obreras a las medidas de austeridad.
From a strictly economic point of view, Gómez Morales has worked to increase exports and imports, to raise the price of the dollar, and has become a department of foreign industry to update gold since the Bretton Woods Conference of 1944 in Argentina. He did not participate. For the country, the policy of expanding public profligacy had led to the loss of all foreign exchange reserves accumulated since 1935, which in practice meant the life of the Central Bank, at a time when the state banks were squandering their creditworthiness and we will reach the end of their net price due to the accumulation of inflation.
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The maximum symbolic blow in contradiction to the government’s plan was the approval of a foreign investment law that was already part of the nationalist discourse of the ruling party in 1953, attributed to the excess of providing the oil company Standard Oil with the exclusive exploitation of 50,000 km2. Patagonia, which has provoked much debate about the component of the defender’s government, as a result of the deterioration of the economic situation, which has already been deserted for a decade.
To conceive of the deterioration of the Argentine economy since the crisis of 1930, there are two questions of knowledge that seem to be taken into account: inflation and the value of the dollar. The first impressive figure is the accumulated inflation over the long period of several decades that began in 1875, during the presidency of Nicolás Avellaneda and peaked in 1945, until the end of World War II, reaching 129%, from one point to another, it is a weighted increase of 1. 5% per year, with periods of upswing consistent with increases and at least very significant deflations.
The current currency is the price of the US dollar in relation to the Argentine peso called the national currency, a financial signal that has been in force since the 1880s until January 1, 1970: in August 1914 (beginning of the First World War ). One dollar equivalent to two pesos of 36 cents, in October 1929 (beginning of the world crisis due to the New York Stock Exchange Exhibition), the parity was the same, since no hub replacement was carried out for 16 years. In April 1945 (end (during World War II) one dollar, which had become foreign currency for world trade, was worth 4. 02 dollars. But within just a few years, the deterioration of the price of the peso brought parity between the two strongest currencies of the United States to the point that a dollar equivalent to $33. 25 in June 1955, accumulated a loss equivalent to 90% in our financial signal. This has nothing to do with the 3 dollars that the peso lost between 1970 and 1991, which is very unlikely that we will hear the price of the dollar today if we make a contribution with the old denomination “national currency. “
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Si bien los grandes números de la economía nacional parecían acompañar el esfuerzo propuesto por el gobierno de Perón, las condiciones políticas se deterioraron desde fines de 1954 a raíz de la escalada de conflicto del gobierno con la Iglesia Católica, que derivó en el fallido golpe de estado del 16 de junio de 1955, al que siguió un intento de acuerdo político que el propio Perón abortó con un violento discurso el 31 de agosto, y que culminó con el triunfo de la llamada Revolución Libertadora, que no siguió un curso de acción demasiado diferente en las políticas económicas, profundizando las distorsiones durante las presidencias de facto de Eduardo Lonardi y Pedro Aramburu, y que serían abordadas con un plan de shock por el radical intransigente Arturo Frondizi, tema que abordaremos en el próximo artículo, junto a los ajustes de 1967, 1975, 1989/9 y 2001.